sábado, 30 de abril de 2011
miércoles, 20 de abril de 2011
martes, 19 de abril de 2011
domingo, 17 de abril de 2011
sábado, 16 de abril de 2011
jueves, 14 de abril de 2011
PalFest - Festival celebrating Palestinian and International literature, West Bank
PalFest 2011 Opens Tomorrow!
PALFEST 2011 OPENS TOMORROW
5 DAYS / 6 CITIES / 5 UNIVERSITIES
PalFest 2011 kicks off tomorrow. We have an amazing programme lined up and everything is free and open to the public. We're traveling through the country so, if you're in Palestine, the chances are we'll be near you one day this week. Come and join us.
And if you're not in Palestine, you can follow us on Twitter and Facebook - we'll be publishing author blogs, photos and videos every day!
FULL PROGRAMME
April 15
1 DAY CHILDREN'S FESTIVAL
10am Lajee Centre, BETHLEHEM, Aida Camp
April 15th
7.30pm African Community Society, JERUSALEM
April 16
7.30pm Arab Cultural Association, NAZARETH
April 17
Workshops with an Najah University
7pm Sheikh Qassem Café, NABLUS
April 18
Workshops with BirZeit University
Workshops with Bethlehem University
8pm Friends Meeting House, RAMALLAH
Performance by the Palestine National Orchestra
April 19
Workshops with al Quds University
8pm Khalil Sakakini Centre, RAMALLAH
April 20
7.30pm Solidarity Tent, SILWAN
OPEN MIC NIGHT
PALFEST 2011 OPENS TOMORROW
5 DAYS / 6 CITIES / 5 UNIVERSITIES
PalFest 2011 kicks off tomorrow. We have an amazing programme lined up and everything is free and open to the public. We're traveling through the country so, if you're in Palestine, the chances are we'll be near you one day this week. Come and join us.
And if you're not in Palestine, you can follow us on Twitter and Facebook - we'll be publishing author blogs, photos and videos every day!
FULL PROGRAMME
April 15
1 DAY CHILDREN'S FESTIVAL
10am Lajee Centre, BETHLEHEM, Aida Camp
April 15th
7.30pm African Community Society, JERUSALEM
April 16
7.30pm Arab Cultural Association, NAZARETH
April 17
Workshops with an Najah University
7pm Sheikh Qassem Café, NABLUS
April 18
Workshops with BirZeit University
Workshops with Bethlehem University
8pm Friends Meeting House, RAMALLAH
Performance by the Palestine National Orchestra
April 19
Workshops with al Quds University
8pm Khalil Sakakini Centre, RAMALLAH
April 20
7.30pm Solidarity Tent, SILWAN
OPEN MIC NIGHT
martes, 12 de abril de 2011
The Sharp End of Hebron - By Issa Amro
Issa Amro is a Palestinian resident of Hebron. He studied engineering at the Hebron University and was one of the non-violent political activists key to re-opening the Hebron University following its closure by the Israeli army. Below is an article that gives a clear description of the situation in Hebron and the roots of the tension in the city.
_______________________________________________________________________
Hebron’s problems began after 1967. The Israeli army worked hard to
create the Kiryat Arba settlement, and after that the settlers and
soldiers started living inside Hebron, transforming it into an
occupied city. We started to feel it when they created settlements in
the heart of the city. In the early 1980s settlers started to come
from all over the world, moving into our houses and markets. They
treated Palestinians as slaves and animals, fourth-class humans, only
there to be taken advantage of.
All this was not so obvious until 1994 and the Ibrahimi Mosque
massacre, when a fanatic settler killed 29 Muslims. After that we were
punished. The apartheid policy was employed more obviously, with the
closure of Shuhada Street and many local businesses. The army divided
Ibrahimi Mosque and confiscated the gardens.
My resistance efforts began in 2003. The army had closed Hebron
University when I was a student there. They locked the gates and told
us to “go to the streets. You will have no future here.” This made my
decision. I would struggle, in a nonviolent way.
I was fortunate to be guided by a specialist in activism. With him I
discussed strategic planning and a methodology for how to re-open our
university. One day we just broke in, opened the doors, started the
classes and began to study by ourselves. The army arrived shortly
after, so we camped out in a sit-in tent that we had bought. We called
our international friends and media. We explained to everybody the
importance of our university to us. After six months, it was finally
re-opened.
That has given me the encouragement to continue ever since. I
understand when Palestinians feel that resistance is hopeless. The
Israeli army does not distinguish between unarmed demonstrators and
armed enemies. They have one law, which is against protest in every
form. To oppose them is to provoke a killing machine.
I do not criticise any form of resistance. It is our right. I follow
the nonviolent path for two main reasons. Firstly, I want our
community to remain peaceful. As Ghandi said, using violence to be rid
of an oppressor “establishes a pattern of violence.” This is not our
way. Secondly, through nonviolence we can achieve massive
participation from whole communities rather than individuals.
Nonviolence is dangerous for the occupation. How do I know? Between
April 2010 and now, I have been arrested no less than ten times. This
tells me that our methods are working. The army is not trained to deal
with nonviolence, as the Egyptian authorities were unable to handle
the youth movements. It is only a matter of time, and will, before we
see a similar result here. When I am arrested they try to paint me as
a terrorist. I have been accused of attacking policemen and settlers,
of stealing guns, and of other crimes which fit their image of
Palestinians. I am never discouraged by being arrested, but it is very
difficult for my wife and family. We all know that my safety is
endangered by my activities.
The army has a new crime to accuse us of: “incitement.” It is such a
vague term that it can be applied to anything, especially protest. It
carries the threat of prison time and was used to jail Bi’lin
organiser Abdallah Abu Rahmah in 2009. The creation of this law
implicates the highest Israeli authorities and the legal system in
allowing, even promoting, institutional racism. The law itself is
racist. If incitement means anything, why not use it against Israeli
Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, who talks about killing people,
rather than me, for exercising my right to peaceful demonstration? We
see racist laws every day in Hebron, where we are under Martial Law,
and our settler neighbours are under Israeli Civic Law.
We look to international leaders to help our struggle against
settlements, and we were shocked by the recent American veto (of a UN
resolution condemning them). US leaders announce that they are against
them, but when they are tested we find that they are still blindly
supporting Israel.
So we must do it ourselves. I represent the Youth Against Settlements
group in Hebron, which includes the Tel Rumeida project, empowering
families to deal with the daily effects of settlers. Our work is
preventing the quiet transfer of Palestinians from their homes and is
a barrier against the beatings, theft, and rights abuses so common
here.
Yet we face a complex and determined opposition. The Israeli
government is clever in using settlers. They are trying to say that
Hebron is important for religious history, but what I hear from
settlers is that it is a step towards taking Nablus, Ramallah, and the
entire West Bank. Hebron is a frontline. If they succeed here in their
campaign of ethnic cleansing under the banner of religion, they will
move on to new goals.
But I am very optimistic about the future. Our Open Shuhada Street
demonstrations attract thousands. Our movement is growing, and we will
soon have a new Youth Against Settlements branch in Ramallah. We need
Palestinians from all towns and villages to come and lend us their
support. On the settlement issue we are all united and our youth
activism movements are developing. International boycott campaigns
against settlements must continue as they are already effective.
It is only a matter of time before we see our own mass nonviolent
uprising, as in the other Arab countries. A new generation is coming
together to reject the violence and injustice of settlements. I
believe it will happen next year.
Issa Amro is a lifelong Hebron resident. He is an electrical engineer,
human rights activist and community leaders. He has founded several
youth projects and initiatives
_______________________________________________________________________
Hebron’s problems began after 1967. The Israeli army worked hard to
create the Kiryat Arba settlement, and after that the settlers and
soldiers started living inside Hebron, transforming it into an
occupied city. We started to feel it when they created settlements in
the heart of the city. In the early 1980s settlers started to come
from all over the world, moving into our houses and markets. They
treated Palestinians as slaves and animals, fourth-class humans, only
there to be taken advantage of.
All this was not so obvious until 1994 and the Ibrahimi Mosque
massacre, when a fanatic settler killed 29 Muslims. After that we were
punished. The apartheid policy was employed more obviously, with the
closure of Shuhada Street and many local businesses. The army divided
Ibrahimi Mosque and confiscated the gardens.
My resistance efforts began in 2003. The army had closed Hebron
University when I was a student there. They locked the gates and told
us to “go to the streets. You will have no future here.” This made my
decision. I would struggle, in a nonviolent way.
I was fortunate to be guided by a specialist in activism. With him I
discussed strategic planning and a methodology for how to re-open our
university. One day we just broke in, opened the doors, started the
classes and began to study by ourselves. The army arrived shortly
after, so we camped out in a sit-in tent that we had bought. We called
our international friends and media. We explained to everybody the
importance of our university to us. After six months, it was finally
re-opened.
That has given me the encouragement to continue ever since. I
understand when Palestinians feel that resistance is hopeless. The
Israeli army does not distinguish between unarmed demonstrators and
armed enemies. They have one law, which is against protest in every
form. To oppose them is to provoke a killing machine.
I do not criticise any form of resistance. It is our right. I follow
the nonviolent path for two main reasons. Firstly, I want our
community to remain peaceful. As Ghandi said, using violence to be rid
of an oppressor “establishes a pattern of violence.” This is not our
way. Secondly, through nonviolence we can achieve massive
participation from whole communities rather than individuals.
Nonviolence is dangerous for the occupation. How do I know? Between
April 2010 and now, I have been arrested no less than ten times. This
tells me that our methods are working. The army is not trained to deal
with nonviolence, as the Egyptian authorities were unable to handle
the youth movements. It is only a matter of time, and will, before we
see a similar result here. When I am arrested they try to paint me as
a terrorist. I have been accused of attacking policemen and settlers,
of stealing guns, and of other crimes which fit their image of
Palestinians. I am never discouraged by being arrested, but it is very
difficult for my wife and family. We all know that my safety is
endangered by my activities.
The army has a new crime to accuse us of: “incitement.” It is such a
vague term that it can be applied to anything, especially protest. It
carries the threat of prison time and was used to jail Bi’lin
organiser Abdallah Abu Rahmah in 2009. The creation of this law
implicates the highest Israeli authorities and the legal system in
allowing, even promoting, institutional racism. The law itself is
racist. If incitement means anything, why not use it against Israeli
Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, who talks about killing people,
rather than me, for exercising my right to peaceful demonstration? We
see racist laws every day in Hebron, where we are under Martial Law,
and our settler neighbours are under Israeli Civic Law.
We look to international leaders to help our struggle against
settlements, and we were shocked by the recent American veto (of a UN
resolution condemning them). US leaders announce that they are against
them, but when they are tested we find that they are still blindly
supporting Israel.
So we must do it ourselves. I represent the Youth Against Settlements
group in Hebron, which includes the Tel Rumeida project, empowering
families to deal with the daily effects of settlers. Our work is
preventing the quiet transfer of Palestinians from their homes and is
a barrier against the beatings, theft, and rights abuses so common
here.
Yet we face a complex and determined opposition. The Israeli
government is clever in using settlers. They are trying to say that
Hebron is important for religious history, but what I hear from
settlers is that it is a step towards taking Nablus, Ramallah, and the
entire West Bank. Hebron is a frontline. If they succeed here in their
campaign of ethnic cleansing under the banner of religion, they will
move on to new goals.
But I am very optimistic about the future. Our Open Shuhada Street
demonstrations attract thousands. Our movement is growing, and we will
soon have a new Youth Against Settlements branch in Ramallah. We need
Palestinians from all towns and villages to come and lend us their
support. On the settlement issue we are all united and our youth
activism movements are developing. International boycott campaigns
against settlements must continue as they are already effective.
It is only a matter of time before we see our own mass nonviolent
uprising, as in the other Arab countries. A new generation is coming
together to reject the violence and injustice of settlements. I
believe it will happen next year.
Issa Amro is a lifelong Hebron resident. He is an electrical engineer,
human rights activist and community leaders. He has founded several
youth projects and initiatives
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